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ENGLISH POLICY TOWARD 
AMERICA IN 1790-1791 



Edited by 
FREDERICK J. TURNER 



REPRINTED FROM THE 



§^m^):iaw pfetaviat §mm 



VOL. VII NO. 4, VOL. Vlll NO. I JULY— OCTOBER 1902 



[Reprinted from The American Historical Review, Vol. VII., No. 4, July, 1902.] 



2. English Policy Toward America in lygo—iygi. 

[First Installment. ) 

The following documents, obtained from the English Public 
Record Office, illustrate England's American policy in 1 790-1 791, 
particularly at the period of the Nootka Sound episode. In the 
summer of 1789 Spain seized certain English ships which were on 
their way to establish a trading post at Nootka Sound. In the 
spring and summer of 1 790 active preparations were made for war 
by both nations. France, denying the applicability of the family 
compact to her new situation, failed to render the effective support 
on which Spain relied, and a convention between England and Spain 
was signed October 28, 1790. In the intermediate period the 
United States was vitally affected.^ At that time England retained 
the northwestern posts and encouraged the Indians to hold the 
Ohio River — indeed Lord Dorchester had apprehensions that Har- 
mar's expedition against the Indians was intended against the Brit- 

2 See Worthington C. Ford's The United States and Spain in ijgo. Brooklyn, 1890. 



707 Documents 

ish post at Detroit. Expecting trouble and doubting the ability 
of the Union to hold the west, Lord Dorchester had for several 
years past been securing information on the attitude of the western 
settlers toward English control.^ On April 17, 1790, the Lords 
of the Privy Council for Trade, wrote to Mr. Grenville, the Secre- 
tary of State for Home Affairs, that Vermont and the western settle- 
ments should be treated on the same basis ; a liberal policy of com- 
mercial concession should be adopted, and " in a commercial view 
it will be for the Benefit of this Country to prevent Vermont and 
Kentucke and all the other settlements now forming in the Interior 
parts of the great Continent of North America, from becoming 
dependent on the Government of the United States, or on that of 
any other Foreign Country, and to preserve them on the contrary 
in a State of Independence, and to induce them to form Treaties of 
Commerce and Friendship with Great Britain." - This was the 
policy that Spain was contemporaneously applying to the leaders of 
Kentucky and Tennessee. Supporting the Creeks, Cherokees and 
other Indians of the Gulf region against American advance, and 
denying to the settlers the right to navigate the Mississippi, Spain 
intrigued with Wilkinson and her other pensioners in the West to 
secure the independency of Kentucky and Tennessee under Spanish 
protection.^ The United States tried to detach McGillivray, the 
Creek leader, from Spain by engaging him in a treaty at New York 
which was complete^. August 7, 1790.^ But McGillivray was as- 
sociated in the Indiaji.'bmde with the Scotch firm of Panton, Leslie 
and Co., of Pensacola, who had obtained from Spain the right to 
this trade by an arrangement under which Spain received ^12,000 
a year.^ McGillivray, therefore, kept in touch with Spain in spite 
of his American treaty, and at the same time explained to England 
that his action depended upon the fact that he saw that from the 
local situation of the Indians they could not expect effectual sup- 

' See Roosevelt, Winning of the West, III. 129, n. 2; Winsor, Westxvard Move- 
ment, 350, 367, 389 ff. ; Marshall, Ketitucky; Butler, Kentucky, Green, Spanish Con- 
sf^iracy, 292, 299 ; Gayarre, Louisiana tinder Spanish Domination, p. 235; and the sources 
in Calendar Virginia State Papers, IV. 555 ; Report on Canadian Archives, 1890, pp. 
106, 108, 109, 131 ff. ; Elliot's Debates, V. 97,98, lOO ; Draper Collection: Clark 
MSS. — Trip i860, vi., p. 190. Thomas Marshall, of Kentucky, wrote to Washington 
in 1789 that Wilkinson had warned the governor of Louisiana in 1787 of the feasibility of 
the united British and Americans taking Louisiana and thence advancing to New Mexico 
in twenty days, and had urged " the great danger the Spanish interest in North America 
would be in from the British power, should that nation possess herself of the mouth of 
the Mississippi and thereby hold the two grand portals of North America, that river and 
jhe St. Lawrence." Butler, Kentucky (1836), appendix, p. 519. 

• Chatham, MSS., Bdle. 343. Compare Report on Canadian Archives, 1890, p. 132. 

2 On McGillivray see Pickett, Alabama, II. 30 et passivi. 

'^American St. Paps., Ind. Aff., I. 81. ^ Rep. on Can. Ar., 1890, p. 153. 



^^■, 






English Policy Towm^d America in lygo-iygi 708 

port from her. McGillivray's rival among these Indians was Wil- 
liam Augustus Bowles,' son of a Maryland planter- who, in the 
Revolution, joined the British and served in the Floridas. Dis- 
missed from the army, he went the Indians, adopted their costume, 
and built up a large following in opposition to McGillivray,^ by se- 
curing goods through clandestine trade with the British West Indies. 
His memoirs give him a most romantic career, as portrait-painter, 
actor and forest diplomat, and relate how he led the Indians in the 
English service in the final operations against the Spaniards of 
Florida, in the Revolutionary War. In his London correspondence, 
in 1 79 1, with Grenville he mentions that he is a half-pay officer in 
the British army. He had gone from the Bahamas to Quebec with 
some Cherokee chiefs, and Lord Dorchester had permitted him to 
present his case in person to the English government. In his letter 
to Grenville, Lord Dorchester suggested that these Indians' resent- 
ment against the states, arising from injudicious encroachments upon 
their territory, might be appeased by ensuring them a more liberal 
treatment under the King's protection. The party did not reach 
London until Spain and England had made peace, but Bowles 
nevertheless presented the memorial here, printed and, on the 7th 
of March following, Grenville wrote to Dorchester : 

"Such of their requests as related to views of hostility against the 
United States have met with no kind of encouragement, but they will in 
some degree be gratified in their wish of intercourse with the British Do- 
minions by an admission to the free posts [ports?] in His Majesty's West 
Indian Islands, supposing that they should find themselves in a situation 
to avail themselves of this indulgence. ' ' '' 

The distinction which Bowles gained from his British connec- 
tion is shown in the report of Indian Commissioner Seagrove in 
1792, after Bowles had been taken by the Spaniards.* He says : 

"Although Bowles is removed, such is the baneful effect of what he 
has done, that the strength of his party (even at this moment) in the 
Creek nation, is such, that we find General McGillivray compelled to 
submit to their will." 

Bowles was enticed by the Spaniards into their hands in 1792, 
but was afterwards released and returned to give trouble to the 

' On Bowles's career, besides ihe documents that follow, see Authentic Memoirs of 
William Augustus Bowles, Esq., etc., London, 1791 ; Perin du lac. Voyage, etc., ch. 
52, p. 456 ; Milfort, Sejou- dans la A'ation Creek ; Pickett, Alabatna, II. II5; Report on 
Canadian Archives, 1890, pp. xlii, 153 ft". ; American State Papers, Ind. Aff., I. 264, 
295-299, 304, 651. 

'^ Report on Canadian Archives, 1890, p. 153 In this interview in 1790, McGilli- 
vray gives his version of the actions of Bowles and of his lieutenant, Dalton. 

^ Report on Canadian Archives, 1 890, p. xlii. 

'^American State Papers, Ind. Aff., I. 296 ; cf. 264. .See also Jeff^erson, Writings 
(1895), V. 404, and Washington, JVritin s, XII. 159 



709 Documents 

house of Panton.^ England disavowed his pretensions and he was 
again seized by Spain and died in prison in 1804. 

The interest of England in the Florida possessions which she 
had so recently lost was not unnatural and Pitt's desire to recover 
his "Southern Farms" finds illustration in this material. But the 
most significant documents are those which deal with Miranda. 
After the American Revolution this remarkable man, visiting the 
United States, England, Prussia, Russia, and France, succeeded in 
interesting the great leaders of these countries in his plans. He 
attracted Hamilton by his great scheme of South American Revo- 
lution ; he corresponded with Frederick the Great ; was patronized 
by Catharine ; won Pitt's adhesion to his ideas in 1790 and again in 
1796 ; and interested Brissot, Le Brun, and Dumouriez in his plan for 
revolutionizing Spanish America in 1 792.^ This was followed by the 
attempt of Genet to secure Louisiana and Florida. The relations 
of Miranda to Pitt and to leading American Federalists like Hamil- 
ton and Rufus King in the period 1796— 1798 cannot be here con- 
sidered, nor the closely tangled web of intrigue that was woven by 
England, France, Spain and American frontiersmen like Senator 
Blount for the possession of the approaches to the Mississippi val- 
ley in the years that preceded the Louisiana Purchase. After his 
unsuccessful attempts at stirring up South American revolt in 1806 
and 1 8 10, Miranda died in prison at Cadiz in 1816. The signifi- 
cance of the documents presented in this connection lies in part in 
their evidence that in 1790 under Miranda's influence military 
preparations were inaugurated by England which had for one of 
their objective points the city of New Orleans, and more remotely 
Mexico and South America. 

The attitude of Washington's government toward the Nootka 
Sound episode is highly interesting both because it was the first 
serious question of high diplomacy that engaged the new govern- 
ment, and even more because it gave occasion for Jefferson defi- 
nitely to formulate a policy with respect to the control of the 
Mississippi which affected his subsequent attitude at the time of the 
Louisiana Purchase. During July and August, Beckwith, Dor- 

^ For the later career of Bowles see Repo7-t on Canadian Archives, 1890, p. xlii. 

2 Recent publications have cast new light on Miranda. See AMERICAN Historical 
Review, III. 654, 674; VI. 509. The last reference gives Popham's survey of Mi- 
randa's career, based on interviews with him. Hubert Hall, Esq., of the Public Record 
Office, presents in the Athenanm for April 19, I902 (p. 498), a valuable study of the re- 
lations between Pitt and Miranda based on the Chatham Papers, portions of which ate, 
by Mr. Hall's kind assistance, here first printed. Compare the older work, Antepara, 
South American Ejuancipation and the Edinburgh Review, January, 1809 (xiii, 295). 

3 For French designs on Spanish lands in North America at the period of Genet's 
mission, see American Historical Review, III. 654, 490, and Report of American 
Historical Association, 1896, p. 930, and 1897, p. 569. 



English Policy Towai'd Ameidca in lygo-iygi 710 

Chester's agent, was holding conversations with leading members of 
the Federal Government, and especially with Hamilton, who asserted 
our determination to control New Orleans/ Jefferson, alarmed at 
the prospect of England's control of Louisiana and Florida, wrote 
in July to Monroe : " Embraced from St. Croix to St. Mary's on 
one side by their possessions, on the other by their fleet, we need 
not hesitate to say that they would soon find means to unite to 
them all the territory covered by the ramifications of the Missis- 
sippi," and he looked forward to "bloody and eternal war or indis- 
soluble confederacy" with England.^ In case of combined action 
he hoped that the United States would receive the Floridas and New 
Orleans, leaving Louisiana to England. Upon our representative 
in Spain he urged the propriety of convincing that nation that 
England was a dangerous neighbor to Mexico, and that Spain's 
safest policy would be to cede us the navigation of the Mississippi, 
and all territory east of it on condition that we should guarantee to 
her all her possessions on the western waters of that river.^ 

On August 23d, Secretary Knox instructed Governor St. Clair 
to assure the British that Harmar's expedition was not against their 
posts. On the 26th Washington issued a proclamation against in- 
vasion of the Indian lands in the southwest, in opposition to the pro- 
posed colonization by the Yazoo company. Having thus guarded 
against trouble with England and Spain, on August 27th, Washington 
asked the opinions of his cabinet, and the Vice President, upon the 
answer to be given in case Dorchester asked permission to march 
troops across our territory from Detroit to the Mississippi, or what 
should be done if this were undertaken without leave. The replies 
to this interesting query varied. Hamilton would sooner grant per- 
mission than risk hostility and the loss of the west ;* Jefferson would 
avoid answer, but permit the passage if necessary ;^ Adams would 
give a dignified refusal and if England crossed, await indemnity.'' 

The outcome made it unnecessary to choose sides on the 
momentous questions involved in the Nootka Sound episode, but 
the possession of the Mississippi valley, the Gulf of Mexico, and 
the choice of European allies seemed for a time at stake. 

1 desire to express my thanks to Hubert Hall, Esq., of the 
Public Record Office, for his skill and courtesy, in enabling me to 
procure these documents. Frederick J. Turner. 

^Rep.Can.Ar.,i%(jO, pp. xxxv,l6o-l64, 276-278, and Hamilton, IVorks, IV.5,32,66. 

2 Jefferson, Wi-itings, V. 198, 199, 225. These papers constitute an admirable view 
of the whole problem of our relations to Spanish America and England at that time. 

3 Jefferson, Writings, V. 229, ff. ; compare his propositions to Short, the charge 
d'affaires in France, ibid., p. 218, and to G. Morris, our agent in England, p. 224. 

* Hamilton, Works, IV. 20, 66. sjgffgj-son, Writings, V. 238. 

6 Adams, Works, VHI. 497. 



7 1 1 Documents 

\_Miranda' s Plans.'\ 

I. P. Allaire [R. D.] to Sir George Yonge, M. P.^ 
Sir 

Since my last a Vessell has Arrived from New Orleans with an Accot. 
that the Inhabitants of Mexico have taken Arms and possessed themselves 
of the Mines that the Governor sent 2000 Soldiers to Retake them 
which were Repulsed, the Insurgents were than 7000 strong — Liberty 
spreads her Wings from East to West 

I remain with the Utmost Respect 
Sir, 
Your V. H. Servt 

P. Allaire 
New York 6 Feb 1790 



II. Francisco de Miranda to William Pitt.^ 
Sir : 

Having perhaps been importunate to you without wishing it, in fact 
by the repetition of my letters and messages to you, upon the final termi- 
nation of my settlement in this Country, as the retard was become rather 
disagreeable to me I shall take the liberty to recapitulate here as in one 
point of view, all that has passed on my affairs. It will ease my mind 
and may serve you as a memorandum (if necessary) in order to facilitate 
the expedition of this business, which you have certainly given me every 
reason to suppose, is determined and decided. 

When my friend Governor Pownall ^ proposed, and explained to you 
the grand Plan I had to communicate to the British minister for the ad- 
vantages and interest of the English nation, united to those of South 
America, it was accepted as a measure certainly to be adopted in case 
of a War with Spain — and in this supposition I was desired to wait upon 
you at Hollwood where I had the honour to meet you by appointment 
on the 14th February 1790 — There we had a very long confference upon 
the subject, in which, the nature of my Proposals ; the new form of Gov- 

1 F. O. America H. The address is known from the endorsement. 

^Chatham MSS. 

3 For reference to Pownall's previous plans, see AMERICAN HISTORICAL Review, 
III. 328. 

^ In the Chatham MSS. Bdle. 345, undated, but with Miranda's papers of 1790 is a 
plan for a constitution for the Spanish American colonies. The boundaries included on 
the north the line passing by the middle of the Mississippi from its mouth to its source, 
and thence continued straight toward the west by the forty-fifth degree of north latitude 
to the Pacific. On the east the line was the Atlantic Ocean from Cape Horn to the Gulf 
of .Mexico and thence to the mouth of the Mississippi, but Brazil and Guiana were not 
included nor the islands along the coast, except Cuba " since the port of Havana is the 
key to the Gulf of Mexico." The government was to be mixed and adapted to that of 
Great Britain. The executive power was to be lodged in an Inca, under the title of 
Emperor with hereditary succession. The upper chamber was to be composed of sena- 
tors or caziques nominated by the Inca for life. Detailed provisions were made for 
elections and for local chambers and courts. Compare Pownall's scheme. 

vol. vn. — 47 



English Policy Tozvard America in i/go—iyg i 712 

ernment ' — intended to be introduced in South- America, my Personal 
circumstances, and actual situation etc. were fully explained, and the 
Whole admited as a Plan beneficial to this Country and to be put in 
execution certainly in case only of a War with Spain. — Upon this Con- 
dition and Solemn promise I was desired by you to write down, either in 
English or French all the purport of our Conversation, adding a State- 
ment of the whole produces of South America, the Exports and imports 
from Spain, the military and naval forces in both countrys, their Popula- 
tion etc. and to forward it to you with proper safety — which I did on 
the 5th March 1790, with as much accuracy and detail as I possibly 
could. 

On the 6 of May next I received a Note from you by your private 
Secretary Joseph Smith Esq. requesting to meet you that night if pos- 
sible at 9. o clock. — And in consequence I had the honour to wait upon 
you at White-hall, where you did me the favour besides of introducing 
me to the Secretary of State Mr. Grenville (now Lord Grenville).— 
We had a long confference — upon the subject of the preparations for a 
War with Spain, in consequence of the occurences at Nootka Sound. 
The disposition of the People in South America towards joining the Eng- 
lish for their independency against the Spaniards etc. And you thanked 
me for the Papers I had sent to you, shewing them to me in a green-box 
you had by you, in going to meet the Cabinet Council. Giving me new 
assurances of the Execution of my Plans if unfortunately a War as it 
apiered should take place between the two Countrys. — And pointing to 
me the same chanel of Mr. Smith, to convey with safety any thing I 
might think worth communicating to you. 

Various interviews took place at your House in Downing Street, in 
the time that the great Armament, and Spanish negociations were 
going on ; in which I explicitly desired that a sufficient annual suport 
should be granted to me (as a loan only, till I could come to the posses- 
sion of my property when I meant to repay every thing advanced to me) 
being now deprived of all income from my Estate in South America and 
having given up all my Commissions and Connection with the Court of 
Madrid ; even with the Spanish Ambassador Marquis del Campo. — 
You, then was pleased to say, that in three or four weeks you should be 
able to answer my request ; and that any sum of money I should want in 

In the Chatham MSS. Bdle. 345, is also the draft of a proclamation, Hated August 3, 
1790, to be issued to the inhabitants of South America on the landing of an expeditionary 
force. It offers certain articles containing proposals for a continental government. 
Amnesty was offered to those who wished to leave. The officials were to be bona fide 
citizens, including a governor (a native noble) for five years, an elective supreme council 
for a term of four years, the regidors and alcaldes to be continued. The inquisition was 
to be abolished, the clergy to retain the tithes and the clerical courts. The revenue was 
to be continued, but collected by natives. The law courts were to be composed of 
natives. The governor and council might employ military and naval forces, and were to 
be authorized to make a treaty of federal alliance and commerce with Great Britain and 
with all powers that should recognize the independence of the country. For the time 
all legislative power was to be vested in the governor and council. 



7 1 3 Documents 

the meantime you was ready to suply me with, and that 1 should hear from 
you in two or three days there upon — I never received any money, which 
might be owing to circumstances I am not acquainted with. 

Some time after, I presented to you the Plan of Government and 
mode of Legislation, I thought proper to be introduced in South America 
according to the principles of Freedotn and Independency, we had agreed 
upon as a foundamental principle' — You seemed pleased with it, and beged 
to leave it with you for the farder perusal, and consideration. We pro- 
ceeded talking about the Plan of carrying on the War, and attacking 
the Spaniards in America, wishing me to point out \.\i^ places by which 
it should be necessary to begin ... I said that it was a mater of very 
great importance ; and that I had considered the Subject in general very 
much, I had not brought it yet to that precision that it required ; but in 
a few days I should be ready to answer the question fully. I suggested 
at the same time other efificatious measures ; such as engaging a few of 
the Ex- Jesuits natives of South America and now exiled by the King of 
Spain in the Pope's dominions ; whose names and place of abode I had 
with me and was very sure might be engaged for such a noble purpose. 
You earnestly adopted the measure requesting me to send you the in- 
formation without any loss of time which I did immediately, transmit- 
ting to you the names and places of residence of 300 of them that were 
alive in the year 1786 when I visited Italy. I forwarded also to you 
at the same time, by your Request, all my private Papers conserning the 
two last insurrections hapened at Luna and Santa Fee uoth in the year 
1 781 ; which authentic documents might give you the most satisfactory 
account of the minds and disposition of the People towards the Spanish 
Government ; the strength and number of the militia ; small force of the 
regular Troops ; and every thing hapened at those two curious events ; 
which shew plainly how ripe the general mass of the people was for 
emancipation, if the delicate points of their Religion d^nd. independency is 
one properly explained and 

Few days after I waited upon you with my Plan of Atack, and 
Operations digested ; and I had the honour to shew to you the Whole 
upon the Maps and private Plans I had with me, to your satisfaction ; 
leeving with you the Plan and defenses of the Havana by your Request. 
— You did not mention, then, any thing to me relative to my previous 
demand of an annual suport, tho' the promised term had expired ; and 
only repeated the offer c any money I should want, which I never had 
received nor requested again. You asked me besides, if the Marquis del 
Campo had not made lately any advances to me? I answer'd that with 
the present views, I had given up all my pretensions in the Court of 
Madrid, and never had seen D. Bernardo del Campo since I wrote last 
to the Count de Florida blanca, and to his Catholic Majesty the present 
King, some time previous to those last disagreements with England ratif- 
fying my anterior resignation. 

Not long after, the Convention with Spain arrived and of course every 

' See the note above, p. 711. 



English Policy Toward America in lygo-rygi 714 

progress in the intended operations was stoped. — Not hearing from you 
three months after, I appHed for an interview, wishing to setle my affairs 
in any mode whatsoever, you answered me by your Secretary Mr. Smith, 
that you should wish to know, and have delivered in writing, which 
were my future views. — I presented them and my Terms the next day in 
a note dated the 28th January 1791, in which I stated " That my views 
now and allways were to promote the hapiness and liberty of my own 
Country (South America) excessively oppressed and in so doing to offer 
also great Commertial advantages to Great Britain. . . . That upon 
these principles I should be very hapy to offer, and continue my ser- 
vices to England. . . . That my personal situation required, I should 
mention a competent annual suport till I could [come in] to the pos- 
setion of my property in Caracas, wher I would pay any sums of money 
that might be granted to me on any account whatsoever. . . . That the 
intention being purely Patriotic with the wishes only of producing ser- 
vices to my Country, and promoting the interest and advantages of 
Great-britain as perfectly compatible ; — services ought not to be requested 
from me against Spain, with any other motive ; being a point of delicacy 
with me, tho' authorized by the right of nations, and the example of 
many great and virtuous men, in modern and antient times etc. 

To this note I received no answer ; till the month of May last that 
you favoured me with an audience — in which you told me, that you 
had read and considered my Note, and was pleased to make some 
apology for the retard of my Affairs, being convinced I deserved well 
from this country, and had just Claims ; that the Roman Catholic 
Religion was an obstacle for holding employment but that you could not 
yet speak to me deffinitely, and desired me to wait three or four weeks 
more ; in which term, you should be able certainly to decide everything 
upon the subject. — I remonstrated to you, the length of time I had been 
waiting for this answer, the uncertainty I was under of any permanent 
setlement yet agreeable with my wishes : — the generous and magnani- 
mous offers her Majesty the Empress of Russia ^ had made to me when I 
visited her Court in the year 1787 (and under who^e protection I was 
at that very moment, by her gracious orders in a Circular and most 
honorific Letter to her Ambassadors and Ministers in Europe) which 
magnanimity was the only resource left to me now, if this country con- 
trary to my well grounded expectations, should not take proper care of 
me, as I had the honor to explain it to you in our former conversations, 
when on Request I stated to you the sum which her I. Majesty was dis- 
posed to setle upon me in Russia viz 1000 Louis d'or per an : — and so 
I conceaved to be highly imprudent in me to defer a moment my depart- 
ure to Petersbourg, if I could not depend upon a certainty here, on my 
proposed terms. — You desired me notwithstanding to wait that period, 
giving me your Word of honour that I should not be disapointed any 
farther; and that you would send me directly 1000 jr^.% to pay my 
previously incurred expenses. 

1 See Antepara, and American Historical Review, \'I, 510. 



7 1 5 Documents 

In about three months after, I received an official message from 
you by the Secretary Mr. Smith (July the loth) sending me 500 ^ 
and a promise to conclude certainly iti a very few days all my other 
future arra/igefiients. — With this formal decision, that, I must consider as 
an acceptance of my proposed Terms, I gave up my intended Voyage, to 
Petersbourgh, and wrote to my friends in consequence. If I have troublec" 
you since, wishing for the final formal setlement soon, which as you was 
pleased to say, would have taken place in a few days, it is because the 
delays I had experienced before made me uneasy — and I am sure, you 
will not be surprised at it, considering I am a foreigner here, and placed 
in adventitious circumstances. 

As your Secretary Mr. Smith is going abroad, and you, Sir, as I 
understand to Weymouth, I propose myself, for relaxation, to take a tour 
to Scotland and Ireland, and to be back in December next, relying en- 
tirely upon your kindnes, honour and liberality for my future setlement, 
in a maner agreeable to me ; and that the sum of 1200 ;^s per an. (that 
I wish should be advanced to me as a loan on the terms mentioned above) 
should not be deamed an excessive competency, for a foreign gentleman 
to live /// this Country ; and if in the course of few days (I may supose 
6) I receive no answer to this Leter I shall consider your silence as a 
tacit confirmation of the above, and as an aprobation of my jorney. — I 
take the liberty to mention to you Mr. TurnhuU of Devonshire Square, 
a particular friend of mine, by whom any of your orders may be conveyed 
to me with safety and dispatch, as I shall constantly write to him : — and 
he shall be a proper person also to receive (as soon as convenient) the 
500 ^ reste of the mentioned sum I was to have received or any other 
advanced income ; being, for want of it incomoded, especially to defray 
the expenses of my intended Jorney.^ 

I hope you will excuse this unavoidable trouble — and be convinced 
of my warmest wishes for the prosperity of England, whose glory I expect 
to see increased yet, by the executions of my proposed Plans : — and even 
before that period arrives, I flater myself that I may have opportunitys to 
prove my sincere atachement to this Country 

I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect and regard Sir, 
Your most obed^ and most hum'. Servant 

Francisco de Miranda 
London Jermyn Str. 2. 47 

September 8. 1791 
The Right Hon'. William Pitt. 

1 On September 7, 1792 Pitt informed Grenville : " The Soo / about which you en- 
quire was for Miranda and Smith has his receipt. ..." Fortescue Papers, II, British 
Historical MSS. Com., Report, V, p. 310 



English Policy Toward America in I'jgo—ijgi 716 

III. Sir Arthur Campbell to William Pitt/ 

Upper Harley Street 28th Oct. 1790 
Dear Sir 

Major Blomhart has not yet arrived from Guernsey but in the course 
of rny looking out for others who would give me information regarding 
the present State of New Orleans I was fortunate enough to fall in with 
one Winfrees a Captain in Blomhart' s corps, who served with him in all 
his difficulties and ill treatment under the Spaniard last War. Winfrees 
lives in one of the Bahama Islands and has had late letters from his 
friends in the Neighbourhood of New Orleans informing him of their dis- 
like to the Spaniards, and that, if it was to be a Spanish War and that 
they would have two or three British Ships of War stationed in the Mouth 
of the Mississipi, they would undertake not only to make themselves 
Masters of New Orleans but to sweep the whole Spaniards in that quarter 
to the Rivers mouth. 

I have desired Winfrees to let me know the name of those he had a 
Dependance upon for raising men and the Numbers each would raise on 
any Sudden emergency if wanted ; and hope to have it in my power to 
acquaint you of it in the course of a couple of days at furthest. I put it 
on the footing of bringing their names early in view for commissions in 
case there should be a War with Spain which was still very Doubtful. 

I think it my duty to lay before you a Memorandum on the Subject 
of marching troops from New Orleans to Mexico, an Idea which does not 
appear to me safe, nor in any degree promising success at this hour. 
I have the honour to be, with great respect, 
Dear Sir, 

Yours Most Faith' 
The Right Hon^'^ humble Servant 

William Pitt &c «&c &c Arch? Campbell 

1 Chatham MSS. Bdle. 120. In the Chatham MSS., Bdle. 345, is a long memor- 
andum unsigned, dated November 26, 1803, from some officer to Pitt. It begins by re- 
ferring to the situation in 1790 and states that if war had then broken out an expedition 
would have been sent to Spanish America, one part under command of Sir Archibald 
Campbell, and the other of the writer, who was consulted by Campbell. There was to 
be co-operation from India. The writer refers to the projects and influence of General 
Miranda, who is well known to him as also his plans. Alexander Hamilton warned 
Lord Dorchester's agent, Beck with, in the summer of 1790 that the United States looked 
forward to the possession of New Orleans. Report on Canadian Archives, 1 890, pp, 
xxxviii, 149, 161-165 ; Hamilton, Works (1885), IV. 5, 32, 66. Scott, a member of the 
House of Representatives from Pennsylvania, suggested to Beckwith that England should 
take New Orleans, aided by operations on the upper Mississippi by American troops 
under General Knox, " and, this effected, to conduct an Army to be formed in the West- 
ern Country by land from thence into Spanish America." Report on Canadian Archives, 
1890, p. 147 ; compare the documents on Bowles and the Floridas. Popham's outline 
of Miranda's career given in American Historical Review, VI. 509, alleges that 
shortly after the American Revolution, before going to Europe, Miranda received assur- 
ances from Washington, Knox and Hamilton, that New England troops should assist 
him if Great Britain gave aid with her navy. It is probable that Popham's statement is 
an error, but the later connection between Miranda and Hamilton is well known. On 
Jefferson's attitude at this time see the introduction to these documents. 



7 1 7 Documents 

IV. Memorandum 
Enclosure October 28'" 1790 

Upon an examination of the distance from New Orleans to the Town 
of Mexico by the shortest Route according to Mensuration taken upon 
several different Maps I find it is not less than Twelve hundred English 
Miles. 

On the supposition that there was a tolerable good road along this 
Tract, and that an Army even without Artillery were to march continually 
at the rate of fifteen miles per day, it could only be accomplished in the 
space of Eleven weeks or Seventy Seven days. If to this circumstance 
is added the number of horses, mules or bullocks necessary to carry tents 
baggage, provisions, Stores, Medicines and Ammunition, for such an 
Army, it may be readily conceived that the difficulties to be surmounted 
in the execution of a march of this nature will be much greater than 
is at present attended to, even if it was certain that the natives of those 
Countries through which the Troops were to pass, were in a State of 
friendship with us. But as that is not the case, and as the Districts 
through which the Troops must pass, have not yet been explored by any 
person on whom a confidence can be placed, I should think from all the 
information I can at present collect, either fronti Maps or from Men who 
have been in North America that the march of an Army from New Orleans 
to Mexico through Savannahs and Forrests so little known to us may be 
attended with the most fatal consequences at this Juncture. 

A. C. 

\_Bowles and the F/oridas.~\ 
V. Occurrences from 5TH July to 30 August 1790.^ 

McGillevray the Indian Chief of Several of the Southern Tribes of 
Indians arrived here the 24th Ulto accompanied by Twenty Nine Kings 
Chiefs and head Men of different Nations to fix on the Boundaries between 
them and the United States, they are much caressed and great attention 
is paid to them when any treaty is formed. Your Agent in Canada shall 
have timely notice that he may order Goods out accordingly, or remove 
where he thinks it may be most for the Interest of the concerned 

Your favour of the 3d June I have safe, in Answer thereto, we are to 
poor to partake of your Offer nor is is a time for them to enter into dis- 
putes with foreign Powers, having almost as much to do as the French 
National Assembly : We are far from being a Settled Nation at present 
the Southern Members forming one of" the Northern Members, another 
party in both Houses, their chief aim is selling'^ the Individual States 
debts to be paid by the Union, a mere flea bite but yet it has occupied 
their Attention for Months and created great ill will amongst them. 

' F. O. America H. Information by the secret agent who gives his name as R. D. 
in the despatches, and as P. Allaire, in his private communications to the English minis- 
ters ; he writes from New York. 

2 i^nd ? 

3 Settling? 



English Policy Toivard America in lygo-iygi 718 

But with your permission I will inform you what I think may be 
done with certainty. 

From 5 to 7000 Men may be had from the Western Country that 
would assist any Nation to take the Floridas from the Spaniards on Con- 
dition they ^ the Western Territory should have a free Navigation of the 
Mississippi, it is now in your power (If a War with Spain is Actually 
begun tho by Recent Accounts they have ask"". Pardon) to bind us in 
Adamantine Chains of Friendship and Alliance with you — take the 
Floridas Open a free Navigation of the Mississippi for the Western In- 
habitants, and you bind that Country and its Inhabitants for Ever in 
spite of Congress, or all the world, for without the Mississippi, its fruit- 
fullness is useless, a few frigates and 2000 men would retake it in three 
Weeks and if proper means were made use of I would engage for a suf- 
ficient Number to Assist, those People are not as yet subject to the Laws 
of the Union, they are at present a large body of I'eople, governed by 
local Laws of their own forming and propose being pnrt of the Union on 
certain Conditions, as a proof of which, they undertake Expeditions 
against the Indians, destroy them and add their Lands to their posses- 
sions, they have drove away two Spanish posts of 30 and 25 Men and 
I [?] have demanded^ and obtained a free Navigation for their produce, 
this has been done contrary to the Express Order of Congress, if there- 
fore proper mode is made use of, which I will communicate. If you 
order it nothing so Easily done as your Regaining the Floridas, your 
Answr. to this, must be in the Mercantile Stile, which I shall fully com- 
prehend.^ A due consideration of the Above may lead to matters of the 
greatest Importance to both Parties, for they are Men desperate in prin- 
cipal and fortune, and would almost undertake impobsibilities to acquire 
a few thousand Spanish Dollars. 

You may rest assured nothing can be done with this Government 
at present. No offer would tempt them at present to Enter into a War, 
nor is the Animosity of the leading Men yet so entirely forgot against 
the English as to induce them to join in a War with them We are a 
Strange Nation, English principals and Roman Ideas, every Man of ;^ 100 
a year is a Souverain Prince every Mechanick a Man of an Independent 
principal there is no distinction amongst us today. Speaker of the As- 
sembly or President of the Senate tomorrow the same Men, one a Car- 
penter, the other a Grocer, thus we jog on. 

VI. Occurrences from 6 August to i September, 1790. 

Your last letters of April and May came safe to hand and have been 
carefull perused Read and digested and the following is my Opinion 
founded on Experience, knowledge and Acquaintance with those they 
may be concerned. Should a War breake out between you and S[pain2 

1 That. 

2 Possibly an error of the copyist. The / is apparently superfluous. 

^ Note the light cast on the next correspondence " in the mercantile stile." 



7 1 9 Docutnents 

and you are willing to Reposses your Southern Farms/ I am confident 
you may easily Recover them with 2000 (Pounds) Men and a ie.w Men 
of War, by timely notice you may rest assured that an Equal Number 
from the Western Territory will join you, hot by order, consent or Ap- 
probation, of the United States, but by those who Acknowledge Alleg- 
iance to None. Men, hardy, inured to fitigue and danger, expert Marks- 
men who live by hunting and who have for these last five Years lived 
Constantly in the Western Woods and n\\o are as constantly attacking 
and Attackd. by the Indians, these Men in my opinion {for the purpose) 
are equal to any 5000 sent from Europe : they want the free Navigation 
of the River, they want the lands along the River and Above all they 
Want Employ being most of them destitute of Clothes and Money and 
the Major part of them were Soldiers during the War against England, 
Many of the best officers in the American Army have retired there and 
would prefer Employment to farming where every Requisite is wanting ; 
besides the Acquisition of so many Subjects for Rest Assured a few lead- 
ing Characters Excepted you are the favourites and it would go hard to 
raise an Army against you — the above you may fully rely on — on proper 
means being first put in practice but in must be confided but to few. I 
am confident that not above three can keep A Secret and Sir John your 
Consul must not be One, tlie Means are Money and fair Promises such 
as you intend to perform and keep after the work is done. 

N. B. When you honor me with an Answer put 2000 Pounds for 
2000 Men. Farms, Florida, the Rest I undoubtedly shall fully compre- 
hend.^ One British Officer with me will be Sufficient to carry any such 
Scheme into Execution. 



VII. George Beckwith to W. W. Grenville.^ 

New York August 5th 1790 
Sir 

In conformity to Lord Dorchester's secret instructions dated the 
27th June I esteem it my duty to transmit the several inclosures here- 
unto annexed. 

I. No I contains communications made to me by the gentleman high 
in office,* with whom I am in the regular habit of intercourse, on which 
subjects nothing new has occurred. 

1 Sir George Yonge wrote to Mr. Aust, Feb, 16, 1791, relative to this secret agent, 
P. Allaire (R. D.), asking Mr. Aust to consult Mr. Pitt on the subject, "more especially 
as Mr. Pitt lately expressed himself satisfied with the Correspondence, and directed 
encouragement to be given for information relative to what He calls Southern Farms the 
meaning which is understood and He wishes for positive Instructions whether to put a 
final End to any Correspondence on the subject or not." See the next letter : " Southern 
Farms ' ' means the Floridas. 

2 By this he means that " pounds " shall signify " men ", and " farms ", "Plorida." 

3 F. O. America L. Grenville was then Secretary of the State for the Home Depart- 
ment. 

* Alexander Hamilton ? 



English Policy Toward America in lygo—iygi 720 

2 No 2 is the general estimate of the annual disbursements of the 
government in consequence of the recent assumption of the State debts, 
and which as it respects the Ways and Means will be debated at the 
House of . . . Representatives tomorrow. 

3 No 3 is a letter addressed to M' Nepean which has been put into 
my hands by a person of the name of Dalton/ who declares himself to 
be a Lieutenant on the half pay list, in His Majesty's provincial service, 
this gentleman from his own account was sent last summer by the Creek 
Indians to London on the concerns of their nation and of other neigh- 
bouring tribes, and in consequence (as he asserts) had access to the 
King's Ministers in the present critical situation of affairs I thought it 
prudent to receive this letter, and to use general expressions of friend- 
ship towards these Indians, who border on the Spanish Provinces, avow- 
ing at the same time that I had no authority to treat with them (which 
they solicited by Mr. Dalton's accounts) and declaring that we were at 
peace with the United States. 

Colonel Macgillivray who is the principal leader of the . . . Creeks 
is still here negotiating,^ and nothing has yet transpired, I acknowledge 
I entertain some doubts whether this gentleman and M' Dalton are per- 
fectly cordial, but hitherto I have not been able to ascertain it. 

The Spanish Resident presented a letter from Spain to The President 
on the 3rd Instant which came from Falmouth by the June packet. 
I have the honor to be with the highest respect 
Sir, 
Your most obedient and most humble Servant 

Geo. Beckwith. 

No. i" Extract" ' New York July 15''' 1790 

1 have communicated to the President the subjects on which we have 
conversed, and feel warranted to assure you that there is the most sin- 
cere good disposition on the part of the Government here to go into the 
consideration of all matters unsettled between Great Britain and us, in 
order to effect a perfect understanding between the two Countries, and 
to lay the foundation for future amity, this — particularly, as it respects 
commercial objects we view as conducive to our interests. 

In the present stage of this business, it is difficult to say much on 
the subject of a treaty of Alliance, your rupture with Spain (if it shall 
take place) opens a very wide political field ; thus much I can say, we 
are perfectly unconnected with Spain, have even some points unadjusted 
with that Court, and are prepared to go into the consideration of the 
question. The speeches or declarations of any persons whatever in the 
Indian Country or to the Westward suggesting hostile ideas respecting 

'On Dalton's relations to McGillivray, see Report on Canadian Archives, 1890, pp. 
^53> ^55' g'vi'^g the latter's opinion of Bowles and Dalton. Evan Nepean was Under 
Secretary of State for the Home Department until 1789 or 1790. 

2 See Report on Canadian Archives zs, above, and American State Papers, Ind. Aff., 
I. Pickett's Alabama gives an account of McGillivray based on documents in part. 



72 1 Documents 

the Forts, are not authorised by this Government Lord Dorchester's 
conduct with respect to the Indians is held by us to be a strong proof of 
his Lordship's dispositions to promote harmony and friendship. 

VIII. Thomas Dalton to Evan Nepean.^ 

New York 3rd August 1790 
Sir 

I am sorry to inform you the answer of his Majesty's Minister on the 
24th of June '89 is by no means acceptable to my friends in the Creek 
Nation. It gives them reason to suggest that they are totally deserted by 
your standard. However, Sir, I as a British Subject beg you may 
reconsider the last business. I communicated to you on the part of the 
Creeks Fearing the consequence that may hereafter follow I have com- 
municated my sentiments to Major Beckwith Aid de Camp to Lord 
Dorchester, who does me the honour to transmit this letter to you, and 
leave him to explain my wish that you, write me, to Lord Dorchester, as 
through any other channel I cannot receive it with safety to myself and 
the interest of your Nation. As my Situation is delicate I submit to the 
information of my friends on the business and beg leave to Solicit the 
Honour of your answer by the first Packet 

I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your Most Ob.' Hum! Serv' 

Thos. Dalton 

IX. George Miller to the Duke of Leeds.' 

Charleston September 3d. 1790 
My Lord Duke 

I have this day had the honour to receive your Grace's 
dispatch dated the 7th of May via New York, covering His Majesty's 
most gracious Message to both Houses of Parliament, communicating 
intelligence of the capture of some British Vessels by the Spaniards on 
the North Western Coasts of America and the very Affectionate and loyal 
Addresses to His Majesty in answer thereto 

The possibility that hostilities might soon commence between Great 
Britain and Spain, having some weeks ago reached this place through the 
public papers, it instantly became my duty to make every enquiry in my 
power with respect to such parts of the Dominions of Spain as are at no 
great distance from hence. 

The intelligence I have hitherto received is entirely confined to East 
Florida where a new Governour had lately arrived from Havannah in the 
room of Don Manuel De Lespedes ; that the Garrison was augumented 
only in a small degree and that though the rumour of a war had reached 
that place, nothing had been done to put the fortifications in a state of 
defense. By an account I have more recently received, but on which I 

' No. 3 in Beckwith' s letter above. 

2F. O. America H, No. 26. The Duke of Leeds was Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs. George Miller was the English consul at Charleston. 



E/iglis/i Policy Toivard Anicnca in lygo-ij^i 722 

cannot rely with the same confidence as on the other, it is said the new 
Governour had called in the outposts from the River St John, in order 
to secure the Citadel at St Augustine from any slight attack. The small 
number of Military at present in the Province precluding all hopes of 
resisting one of a more serious nature. 

Situated as I am, and liable to imposition from the peculiar interests 
of men from whom I must derive what information I get, I am fully 
aware how cautious I ought to be in every intelligence I ought to convey 
to your Grace. I must therefore beseech that what I now send may be 
received as the most authentic I could at this time obtain, the more 
especially if in the event of a war any stroke should be meditated against 
the Province of East Florida. 

But whatever the defenceless state of that Province may be, I must 
entreat your Grace to pardon the presumption of expressing my hopes 
that if a rupture has taken place between the Courts of London and 
Madrid, East Florida may not be considered of sufficient consequence to 
be attacked. 

The fidelity I owe to my Sovereign and my zeal for the Glory of His 
Crown and the interests of His People call upon me to assign my reasons 
for these hopes. 

The Provinces of East and West Florida in the possession of Spain 
are looked on with a very jealous eye by the people of these States the 
first holding out strong allurements to the Slaves in Georgia and Carolina 
even, to quit their masters and on their reaching St Augustine they meet 
with an asylum under the specious pretext of regard for their Souls. The 
free navigation of the river Mississippi guaranteed by the Treaty of Peace 
to the Citizens of America, has been in some instances obstructed, which 
has been ground of great uneasiness to them, and unless the present 
rupture with Spain produces an alteration in her Councils, will, in my 
opinion be entirely stopped by that Court, if ever attempted to be carried 
into effect by the Americans. The differences of advantages attending 
these two Provinces is immense. The former almost without inhabitants, 
except at two or three small posts; without soil to raise more than the 
bare necessaries of life even were it more fully settled and without having 
national support to make exertions must render it a poor acquisition to 
any power. The latter, rich in soil, already tolerably populous on the 
banks of its various rivers and capable of becoming infinitely more so, 
might make it an object of greater importance However, on this I do not 
presume to give an opinion. 

The inference I would humbly beg leave to draw from this account 
of these two Provinces, the possession of which I do not believe would 
be to the permanent interest of Great Britain, is that the people of Amer- 
ica do not, I have reason to think consider themselves under any obli- 
gation to Spain for the part she took in the late War but that it was 
entirely dictated by the contracts subsisting between her and France, 
therefore as it is possible the present convulsions there may dissolve the 
compact of the House of Bourbon and the Government of France may 



723 Documents 

adopt a different scheme of policy, the United States, this cause of con- 
tention remaining in the hands of Spain may in all probability find it 
their best interest to seize some favourable moment to second the views 
of Great Britain against a neighbour who has rendered herself very ob- 
noxious to them. How far such a Junction might be good policy it is 
not for me to determine. 

1 must again solicit your Grace's pardon for what I have here offered 
for consideration. The principle upon which I have done it will, I trust 
excuse me however, its policy may be condemned. The manner in which 
these hints have been made requires every apology on my part, but a ship 
being on the point of sailing when your Grace's dispatch reached me I 
had not time to reduce them to better form. 

Any information I may, from the most diligent attention to the sub- 
ject, be enabled to communicate shall be forwarded to your Grace by 
every conveyance that offers 

I have had the honour to reply on the 17th of July to Mr. Aust's 
letter of the 5th of May, duplicate of which I also received this day 

With the utmost Deference and Respect, I have the honour to be 
My Lord Duke 

Your Grace's most humble and most obedient Servant, 

Geo. Miller. 

X. Occurrences from 6th October to 4 November, 1790' 

The President of the United States has made Treaties with all the 
Indian Tribes both to the Northward and Southward and yet they daily 
commit murders, and in so open a manner that the People of Kentucky 
and the Western Territory have just now made an Invasion into the 
Northern Indian Country with two thousand Volunteers who are deter- 
mined not to give or take quarters, this is only a small Speciment of the 
Obedience of those People to the United States, and their determined 
manner of Acting in every Respect the most conclusive to their Interest. 
We are pushing the Nootka Sound Trade all in our Power two from 
Boston three from Philadelphia and two from this port have sailed this 
fall for that port as you have in some manner almost entirely annihilated 
our trade to the West Indies we must push it some w^ere. had we a 
Capital you would find us strongly opposing you in the China Trade, for 
every Dollar that can be got, goes there for Teas, Nankeens China and 
our Teas now sell 20 pC Cheaper than your best India Sales and I make 
no doubt in a few years we shall send Teas to Ireland for their Linnens, 
as for our Manufactories, they are in their Infancy and not Capable of 
furnishing one thousand part of our consumption. I went on purpose to 
Hartford (Connecticut) and into Boston State to examine into the 
Wollen and Sail Cloth Manufactory, it is a very humble beginning (the 
Wollen) their Capital about one thousand Sterling and the proprietors 
informed me, If Connecticut State did not Assist them with the lend of 

1 Chatham MSS. Bdle. 343. Evidently sent to Pitt. 



English Policy Toward Ainei'ica in I'/go-ijgi 724 

Two or Three Thousand pounds that they must give it up, as Individuals 
would not advance, the Sail Cloth Manufactory is not in a much better 
Situation, the only Manufactory that can hurt You at present is Nails and 
Leather Nor can we (in my opinion) oppose you in any other branch for 
many years such as Woollen and Linnens of all Sorts, Cutlery etc., there- 
fore any other information is Erronious. 

The Commissioners Appointed by the States of New York and Ver- 
mont have fixed and determined the boundaries of Vermont on certain 
Conditions the chief are, that Vermont pay thirty Eight thousand Dollars 
to New York within the Year 1792 and that they come into the Con- 
federation before the year 1794. 

I have done myself the honor of fully Answering your two Letters 
and I am fully confirmed in my Assertions and Opinions by what I have 
since lernd and my own knowledge and Experience of that Country 
believe me it will turn out to you a Second India, nay more, for you will 
always command the Granary of America, you will please to think 
Seriously of this matter, and should there be a War by all means possess 
the Floridas, they are more Valuable than the mines of Peru & Mexico 
should that Affair take place, you will please to think of me as Collector 
of the Customs, or Secretary of the Colony. I am so fully convinced of 
its Consequence that I would Emigrate on the above Conditions, Canada 
can never be a Commertial Province as they only have five Months Navi- 
gation in the Year and that a very dangerous one Wheras the Mississippi 
is always Navigable and the Western People can at all times Raft down 
their Lumber and produce and their demands in a few years will be Equal 
to one half of the United States for British Goods, this is as clear as any 
Problem in Euclid, it is no vain Speculation no Idea of acquiring Appro- 
bation unmerited, but what must be Absolutely the Case, let who will 
possess the Floridas. . . } 

Should your Government Ever possess the Floridas the Emigration 
from this Country would exceed beliefe as there are many discontents 
amongst us, and New Orleans would in Seven Years be the largest City 
in America and the greatest Mart for Grain and Lumber. 

I Remain with profound Respect. Sir 

Your very Hum. Serv' 
November 4th 1790 R. D. 

XI. Occurrences from is December, 1790, to 6th January 1791.^ 
I had the honor in my last letter of — th December to state my 
meaning fully, also to have answered your favor of 7 October which I hope 
you have received. 

1 Request your house would consult some professional Man, with 
respect to the facility of coming and going from New Orleans, both to 
your Windward and Leeward Islands, they can go at all times, and their 
passages are equal nearly, that is about fourteen days, it is the Center to 

^ A digression on business matters follows. 

2 F. O. America, J. 



725 » Documents 

all the West Indies and the only port on the Continent that is so equally 
situated the Utility and benefit that now Exists. I have had the honor to 
explain with respect to its future benefit you are more Competent to 
judge than I am, but the Imports and Exports from New Orleans in 
Seven Years, were you possessed of it would (in my opinion) exceed any 
state in the Union by the Rapid Increase of the Western Territory and 
Emigration to Florida. 

With Respect to Aid I am fully convinced they would give it to you 
on the conditions already mentioned, at least from every information and 
knowledge I have and can get, but you will please to observe, I do not 
hold myself accountable for the Absolute performance, they are Swiss 
and must be used accordingly, it is not out of love or friendship they As- 
sist but Necessity (for want of Cash) compells them and your greatest 
Enemies were they to offer more and better terms would procure them, 
• Circumstance worthy your most serious Condition, but by all means let 
me conjure you not to trust to many, Secrets of this importance should 
be instructed to but few. I also would prefer a Military Man to be sent 
in whom they may have more confidence than in me I will Assist him all 
in my power but let him be a very prudent One or he will be too tall by 
a head as those Western Lads have very Summary Laws. 

Should you not coinside with my opinion S [pai]nwill hold your 

Islands at pleasure having the Havanah and Florida where their Navy lays 
Secure from the haricanes and where all your leeward fleets must past and 
where they have every Necessary for forming a Navy. Naval Stores from 
Carolina and Hemp from the Ohio, they now carry produce to New Or- 
leans upwards of Two thousand three hundred Miles of* this Country is 
not superiour to Mexico to you, I am a very Ignorant man, the Immense 
quantities of clothing that this Country must want in a few years would 
be of the Utmost Importance to your Revenue. 

The Windward Islands can go and come by the Windward passage 
the Leward Islands by the Gulf none will ex [tend] (in general) above 
fourteen days your house will be surprised that they never saw its Con- 
sequences but once point out will be sufficient 

Twenty years possession of this Country you would want nothing 
ftom Rushia, your own Colonies would not only supply you with Iron, 
Hemp and Naval Stores, but you would supply other Kingdoms with 
those Articles and Grain you would possess the Granary and Arsenal of 
America and hold all the West Indies, French, Dutch, Spanish and 
Danes at your disposal by having an Immediate access to them at all 
times and in so short a space of time they may be conquered and recon- 
quered before any Acco\ can be sent to Europe and Succours sent them. 

It would be prudent in my opinion to try what Aid could be 
acquired before a Person is sent, I know no other method than that 
which I have already stated by Employing a few leading and popular 
Men amongst them, as for Strangers going and proposing the Question, 
he" would never succeed and ten to one would but lose his life they must 



Efiglish Policy Toward America in lygo-iygi 726 

first pave the way and get adherents, when ready formed, a Person 
from your House as director in the Manufactory would be absolutely 
Necessary. I think I have fully Explained every particular and as you 
can do nothing before May if your house think proper to make the 
Experiment your Answer to mine of the i December and this will be 
time enough to put things in a proper train and the end of the journey 
to Kentuck. I refer you for the particulars of the plan as the most 
prudent, frugal, and Elligible. [R. D.] 

XII. Extract ''R. D." to Sir G. Yonge 2oth January, 1791.^ 

Your favor of the 30 November came to hand the 17th Inst, and 
have duly considered the same. I should have obeyed your orders of the 
4th of said Month with punctuallity in regard to your Southern Farms 
and am convinced I could have assisted you in selling them having had 
the promise of Two very Substantial and Capital Fanners. 

You will be pleased to inform me by first opportunity wether the 
Agency for this Country is Also discontinued as well as that for Canada 
and wether I am not to be allowed my former Sum of ;^2oo per [?] 
Annum to keep Affairs in such a Situation, that should you want to settle 
your Southern Farms, it may be done with lapidition " on the Terms I had 
the honor of writing you the 6th December and 5 January last as well 
as to inform you the Real State of your Creditors here 

XIII. Wm. a. Bowles to Lord Grenville.^ 
My Lord 

I have the honor of enclosing to your Lordship A paper, which is 
addressed to his Majesty, and which I trust I shall be permitted to de- 
liver to him in person, if there is no objection to any part of its contents 
or to such a manner of delivery. 

On both these points I submit myself to the Judgment of his Maj- 
esty's Ministers and More especially of your Lordship. 

This paper contains enough to express the wishes of the Nation, 
under the present circumstances ; But the connection which it is wished 
to form with Great Britain, goes to objects of a more extensive nature 
and such, as would not be proper to be opened in the address to his 
Majesty. 

These, I have reserved for a private letter, which I will take the lib- 
erty of writing to your Lordship and your Lordship will Judge whether 
they are such as vvill deserve the Attention of Great Britain, or not. 

I have the honor to be. 
My Lord 
Your Lordships Most Obedient Servant 
Osburns Hotel Wm. A. Bowles. 

Jany. 3d. 1791 

1 F. O. America I. See above page 718, 719. 
2 Expedition (?) 
3 F. O. America L. 



727 Documents 

The Representation of Wra. Augustus Bowles in behalf of himself 
and Unatoy 

Kuahtekiske 
Sepouejah 
Tuskeniah 
Wopio 

Deputed from the United Nation of Creeks and Cherokees 
To His Britannic Majesty 
May it Please your Majesty 

In conjunction with the persons whose names are above mentioned, 
I have the honour to address your Majesty, as Representatives from the 
United Nation of Creeks and Cherrokees : Who, united to your Majesty 
by the obligation of former Treaties but much more by the ties of attach- 
ment to the British Name, and Character, which no change of circum- 
stances has been able to obliterate from their Minds, have commissioned 
us to seek the presence of your Majesty, through the dangers and hazards 
of a long journey by land and by water. And, to explain in the fullest 
manner, their present situation, their old alliance with the British Nation, 
what they have borne, and what they have forborne, to preserve inviolate 
their faith and attachment etc etc etc 

Having discharged my duty towards the United Nation by conveying 
their Humble Address and representation to your Majesty ; It may be 
expected that I should say somewhat of myself, who, being one of your 
Majesty's subjects and upon the list of your half pay officers, ought to 
give some reason for appearing before your Majesty in my present char- 
acter. 

Not to detain your Majesty with much upon a subject so insignificant 
as myself. It is enough perhaps to say, that I was an Ensign in one of 
your Majesty's Provincial Corps at New York in the year 1778 and went 
with the Corps to West Florida where they arrived in the beginning of 
the year 1779, that I was struck by the Commanding Officer from the 
list of your Majesty's Officers without the benefit of a Court Martial, the 
form of a resignation or any one reason assigned. Thus reduced, by a 
streach of power, never paralleled in your Majesty's Service, in a strange 
country, without any means of support only about fourteen years of age, 
I owed my preservation to the generosity of a Chief of the Creek Nation, 
who succored me in his family. I took the Indian Dress, soon habitu- 
ated myself to their Manners, and became at length, from custom, and 
from choice attached to the Nation to which I was otherwise bound by 
the ties of gratitude. 

When your Majesty's Commander in West Florida, Genl Campbell 
in the year 1781 sent to the Creek Country for Warriors to join the 
British troops, to act against the Spaniards, I came among those, that 
were sent, and served as an Indian, during the whole time the British 
troops continued in that Country, when the place was about being sur- 
rendered to Spain, it was proposed to me by Gen'- Campbell that I should 
join the corps to which I had once belonged, and I accordingly accepted 

VOL. VII. — 48. 



English Policy Toward America in lygo-i'jgi 728 

a Commission, which I held till September 1783; when, finding your 
Majesty had no immediate call for my service and previous to the evacua- 
tion of New York I obtained leave of absence from Lord Dorchester, 
and, led by the attachment which was still warm in my breast I returned 
to the country of the Creeks, with whom I have lived ever since. 

What relates to myself while I served with your Majesty's officers, is 
neither becoming, nor necessary for me to relate ; As to that part of my 
life which has been spent among the people, who are so little known in 
this Country, 1 may venture to say this much for myself; that I hope a 
British subject is discharging the character, we all aim at, if he is en- 
deavouring to do good in any part of the Globe, that among the people, 
where I am settled, I have always made this my endeavour, and not to 
speak proudly, I believe I have done much to promote their happiness, 
both in their private life and in their National concerns But of this I 
am sure, and in speaking of it I shall not fear to speak proudly, That I 
have always preserved my Allegiance to your Majesty and my affection to 
this Country, that I have risked my life and wasted my property to main- 
tain both ; and that in all circumstances I will endeavour to advance the 
interest of C. Britain. 

Waiving all other proofs which I could produce, if necessary of these 
declarations, I trust them upon the credit of what is now in your Majesty's 
presence. Your Majesty sees one of your subjects becoming the adviser 
and the leader of an independent and populous Nation, presenting to 
your Majesty their devotion and services as Allies, both in peace and 
War; and under circumstances highly advantageous to the Commerce 
and Interest of Great Britain. It rarely happens to a subject to produce 
such evidence of his attachment to the Interest of his Country. 

That your Majesty may in all parts of your dominions have subjects, 
who, with less opportunity, may have the same sincerity and zeal to serve 
their Country as I have, is the fervent prayer, of your Majesty's 
Most true and faithful Subject and Servant 

Wm. A. Bowles. 

XIV. Wm. a. Bowles to Lord Grenville. ^ 
My Lord 

I now trouble your Lordship with those points which I mentioned in 
my letter, as not necessary to be stated in the Address to his Majesty but 
which are eventually highly deserving, in my judgment the consideration 
of his Majesty's Ministers. When I go the length of opening my designs 
to your Lordship, it is not so much upon the confidence, merely of that 
secrecy which belongs to every person in your Lordship's Station, as 
from the particular opinion, I have been taught to entertain of Your 
Lordship's character, and which assures me, I am safe in communicating 
what other wise shoqld not be known till executed. 

Your Lordship knows, that I have applied to the Court of Spain for 
their acquiesing in our having two ports on the coast of Florida. By the 

1 F. O. America, I. 



729 Documents 

silence hitherto held on that subject, I believe, the Spanish Government 
do not mean to accede to my demand. If that is not acceded to, by the 
time I arrive in Florida, I shall immediately attack the Spanish Forts 
which are few and weak, and I calculate that in the space of two Months 
at furthest I shall have driven the Spaniards from the whole country of 
the Florida's And that of New Orleans And that the lower part of Louis- 
iana and both the Floridas will belong completely to the Creek and 
Cherrokee Nation. 

As this will no doubt bring upon us a descent from the Havannah, I 
shall immediately upon the Spaniards evacuating, March a strong force 
across the Mississippi towards Mexico, not only with a view of carrying 
the war from home, but to avail Myself of the state I know mens minds 
are in, all over the country 

It is not long since I marched seven hundred miles in that country, 
for the purpose partly of exercising troops, that I had been training in a 
New Method, and partly to try what influence such a movement might 
have. This expedition answered both my views. The numberless ad- 
dresses, I received in writing from all parts, satisfied me that I might 
have proceeded to the centre of Mexico and had been received as a de- 
liverer. But the affairs of our Nation were not then ripe, according to 
my judgment for the experiment. 

Relying upon these facts, I should as soon as the Floridas, and the 
lower part of Louisiana were mastered, immediately march at the head of 
a strong force towards Mexico. If during the progress of this force, I 
found it likely I should succeed in that country so well as I am led to 
believe I should, I would proceed without delay to Mexico, and in con- 
junction with the Natives declare it independent of the Spaniards. In 
such event I should have no fears about the state of things in the Floridas. 

But should it appear to me not so adviseable to proceed to the 
capital of Mexico, I judge that the alarm created by My force hovering 
on the borders of it would be such, as to enable me to make my terms 
for the Floridas ; and that in such event, the Spaniards would be content 
to yield the Floridas to the Creeks and Cherrokees. 

I will not mispend your Lordship's time in reasoning upon a subject 
that is already sufficiently understood. The advantages of a free trade 
with the Spanish Colonies are well understood in this Country — But I will 
venture to say the means of attaining it are not so easily seen — I believe, 
if Britain attains it, she will attain it in some such mode as I now men- 
tion and then she will save herself the repedition of such Tragedies as 
were acted at Porto Bello and Carthagena, And which will ever end, as 
those attempts did. It was the opinion of Lord Clive, that by the Troops 
of the Country, only, India was to be conquered and retained. Exper- 
ience has shewn he was rj^ht ; and it may be worth consideration, if the 
Maxim is not as good in America as in Indostin. 

I should inform your Lordship that these Speculations would meet 
with other support than the force of the Creek and Cherrokee Nation. 
There are now settled in the Cumberland Country, as set of men, who 



English Policy Toward America in lygo-iygi 730 

are the Relicts of the American Army ; These people are weary of their 
Situation and their inactive life, and are ready for any thing that will put 
them in Motion. 

I have had a request from these people to prevail on the Council to 
admit them into our Country And to lead them on an expedition to the 
Spanish settlements, that being the object of adventure now most thought 
of, in that part of the world. From these people I think I could receive, 
at least six thousand effective men. 

These people are desirous on any terms, of coming to settle amongst 
us, as well for the objects of peace as those of War. For, at present, 
they are shut out from the sea. They feel no attachment to the Amer- 
icans and would be glad to abandon everything for a situation near the 
Sea in our Country. 

In discovering these designs to your Lordship, I mean merely to lay 
before his Majesty's Ministers the situation, the designs, and wishes, of 
the Nation, in all openness and sincerity. 

To return to the principal point which is the subject of the address 
to His Majesty and which is one great object of our Embassy — The 
admission to the free Ports — I do trust this is so reasonable on our part 
and so advantageous to Great Britain, that it will be conceded in some 
mode or other. Either by an Act of Parliament, if necessary, or by a 
direction to the Governor and the Collector of the Customs at Nassau in 
New Providence and elsewhere, if the interpretation of the statute can 
be made in our favour, Or in some Mode that may seem best to the 
Kings Ministers. 

If we are successful in this point — The Creek and Cherrokee Nation 
can work their way in spite of Spaniards and Americans, and May before 
many years are past, confer on Great Britan in return a line of free trade 
which she never before enjoyed, nor could attain, in my humble opinion, 
but by their interposition. 

As I am opening my mind with great plainness I will endeavour to 
make his Majesty's Ministers easy upon another point — It may be there 
is some awkwardness with regard to the Spanish Court, in our being 
received here ; Political reasons, or etiquette, be it what it may. 

In a few words I came here to serve the Creek and Cherrokee Nation 
and to serve G. Britain — To attain this end I am content to waive every- 
thing, that does not necessarily produce that end — The substance not the 
circumstance is my aim — If a whisper across the Atlantic can procure our 
Vessels admission to the free Ports, our purpose, thus far will be as com- 
pletely answered, as if it was effected by an Act of Parliament, And of 
the business of the Treaty could be transacted without my presenting the 
Medal to his Majesty and receiving another from him, I should think 
myself warranted in disobeying the orders of the Council. Should this 
mode of transacting it be more agreeable to his Majesty's Ministers — 
Rather [than] raise the jealousies and suspicions of the Spanish Court I 
would waive in behalf of the Chiefs and myself any open marks of dis- 
tinction — I am ready to yield all such points. If I can depart from hence. 



yyi Documents 

with a firm assurance that a good understanding is established with G. 
Britain, that the treaty now renewed is not the less sincere for being 
secret, that a correspondence will be kept up, and that our vessels will 
always be admitted into the free ports of the West Indies, or at least into 
that part of Nassau. 

What I have hitherto urged to your Lordship, has been upon topics 
purely Commercial and such as appear to me to interest Great Britain, as 
well as the Nation of Creeks and Cherrokees. There are other consid- 
erations with regard the interest of G. Britain alone. 

The late peace with the Americans by putting an end to hostilities 
cannot, I should think have removed all cause of suspicion and jealousy 
between the two Countries. That it has not on the side of the Ameri- 
cans your Lordship will collect from the following facts. 

In the Month of April 1788 a proposal was secretly made to me from 
the Americans, to join with them to bring about a Treaty of Alliance of- 
fensive and defensive, and to lead the Indians on an attack upon the 
Northern tribes, and the British Posts. This was refused, but a communi- 
cation like this not being safe, as they thought, in the breast of a person 
so hostile, as I had on that occasion declared myself, some method was 
to be devised to get rid of me ; And in the months of August and Sep- 
tember following, several attempts were made to cut me off. 

I mention this fact of their proposal to me, only amongst many 
others, that might be produced, to shew, the Americans are now waiting 
their opportunity to seise the remainder of the British Colonies, and that 
the first occasion will not be suffered to pass. 

I do, therefore in behalf of Great Britain press most seriously upon 
your Lordship this consideration, Whether with such active enemies in 
the neighbourhood of the British Colonies, it is not, I will not say wise, 
But absolutely necessary, for Great Britain to have some Alliance and 
connection to back her interest in those parts ? And who, but the 
Nation of Creeks and Cherrokees present themselves, as proper for that 
Alliance? Great Britain can never find that support, she will want, 
among the Northern Indians, who are reduced in number, sunk in Spirit, 
and have little resourse, but the poor cloathing, and other gratifications 
they receive from his Majesty's Governors. 

And I may venture to say that such a general correspondence is now 
established between the Indians on the borders of Canada and the Creeks 
and Cherrokees that even the former, dependent as they may be supposed, 
will never again be brought to act, with full energy, unless the same cause 
is maintained by the advice and approbation of the Creeks and Cherro- 
kees And this general confederacy now formed and gaining daily 
strength among all the Indian Nations, is a new posture of affairs on that 
Continent which is not yet known here, but which must be considered 
in every future speculation formed with regard to Indian politics. 

The situation of the Creeks in the two Floridas seems peculiarly to 
fit them for being useful allies to Great Britain. I'hey are in the neigh- 
bourhood of the West India Islands. They have the Americans on one 



English Policy Toward Ame7'ica i^i lygo—iygi 732 

side and the Spaniards on the other, both Enemies to the Interest of 
Great Britain, that at present, nominally in peace with her. Upon a 
quarrel with either power who can be so useful as the Creeks ? If the 
British Colonies are to be defended, who are so able to make a diversion 
as the Creeks, offencive or defencive, — they seem to be pointed out, by 
inspection of the Maps merely, as the Nation that Great Britain should 
cultivate. 

In pressing this on your Lordship I speak the language of an Indif- 
ferent Spectator, or rather one biassed towards this Country. It has 
been the misfortune of this Country to be less knowing in her transac- 
tions with America, than in the rest of her politics. I trust she will not 
suffer the last card she has left to be played as the great game was 

But to save that she must purchase friends, and that soon, or she 
will have again to fight for her colonies without an allie to support her ; 
I speak tenderly when I say without an Allie, for suppose the present ad- 
dress of the Creek Nation should not be thought worthy of notice, and 
being thus rejected they should be left to adjust their affairs in the best 
Manner their domestic Interest suggests, suppose they should deem it 
wise to unite with their old enemies the Americans ; 

I can tell your Lordship what will be the first object of such new 
formed Alliance. It will be an attack upon the British posts in which 
they will I believe be joined by all the Northern Nations, if they adhere 
to the Union now subsisting among the Indian Nations. 

What will then happen to Canada, and to the other possessions of G. 
Britain, your Lordship may well conjecture. — Such events may take 
place before many months are passed, should the wish of the Nation be 
disappointed in their present address to his Majesty, and it will be utterly 
out of my power, with all the attention they have hitherto shewn to my 
advice, to influence their Counsels on this subject. Then may be led 
when either their inclinations or their Interests are to be gratified, but 
when both are opposed, they will take some course, where one or the 
other leads them. 

It will be my misfortune to view the effects of the storm I can no 
longer govern and I shall at last behold that catastrophe which I have 
employed so m.uch labor in various stations to prevent or retard. 

It is painful to me and perhaps ungracious to entertain your Lordship 
with such disastrous speculations but I meant to deal honestly and openly 
with his Majesty's Government and I thought myself bound to conceal 
no danger that could be guarded against if known, one main and only 
guard is now offered, and I promise myself the good fortune of this Coun- 
try will suggest the wisdom the seise it. 

Should it be thought proper by His Majesty's Ministers to add the 
former object of treaty which is wholly Commercial, this also, which is 
political and leads to the business of War, I shall then be obliged to call 
upon Government for Assistance in providing Arms and Military Stores, 
those being Articles which must for the present be supplied from this 
Country these may easily be supplied without the Government appearing 



733 '' Dociuneiits 

to have any share in the transaction. They are articles of Commerce, 
which I can obtain from any Merchant in London to be shipped for the 
port of Nassau. From which place they can be easily conveyed into the 
Creek Nation. 

After detaining your Lordship so long, I will add only one word 
more, which is that I do rely on your Lordship's particular judgment 
and character for our business meeting with a due, and deliberate con- 
sideration. I have the honor to be 

My Lord, Your Lordship's 

Most obedient and very humble Servant, 

Wm. a. Bowles.^ 
Adelphi Jany. 13, 1791 

The Right Honorable Lord Grenville. 

XV. Wm. a. Bowles to Lord Grenville.' 
My Lord 

Having communicated to your Lordship the letter I had written 
to El Conde de Florida Blanca respecting the demand of free ports I 
think it proper to submit to your Lordship the enclosed letter which is 
the first overture I make towards reviving that subject. 

Your Lordship will, I hope perfectly understand that I make this 
communication with no view of entangling the Kings Ministers in any 
transactions between the Creek Nation and the Spanish Court. But that 
his Majesty's Ministers may know what I am doing in a matter, where 
Great Britain may be remotely concerned. 

If your Lordship does not think this troublesome I shall continue to 
transmit what follows from it, between me and the Spanish Ambassador. 
Your Lordship will have the goodness to send me back the letter 
I have the Honor to be 

My Lord, Your Lordships 

Most obedient and very humble Servant 

Adelphi Wm. A. Bowles 

Jany. 25, 1791 
Right Honorable Lord Grenville 

' In the Report on Canadian Archives, 1890, p. xlii, Mr. Brymner notes that in the 
State Papers (Q. 45-2 p. 535 and onwards) is a correspondence respecting the mission 
of Bowles and his party of Cherokees on their arrival at Quebec from the Bahamas. ' ' The 
sum of Lord Dorchester's letter to Mr Grenville respecting the deputation which His Lord- 
ship had tried in vain to dissuade from going to London is in the last paragraphs of the letter." 
Lord Dorchester says: "Their resentment against the States, arising from injudicious 
encroachments upon their territory, might be appeased by ensuring them a more liberal 
treatment under the King's protection." On March 7, 1791, Lord Grenville wrote to 
Lord Dorchester, reporting their arrival and stating the reception they met with in the 
following terms : ' ' Such of their requests as related to views of hostility against the United 
States have met with no kind of encouragement, but they will in some degree be gratified 
in their wish of intercourse with the British Dominions by an admission to the free posts 
[ports] in His Majesty's West Indian Islands, supposing that they should find themselves 
in a situation to avail themselves of this indulgence." 

^F. O. America I. 



Ejtglish Policy Toivard America i^i ijgo-i'/gi 734 

XVI. Wm. a. Bowles to the Spanish Ambassador at London.^ 

Adelphi Jany. 26th 1791 
Sir 

I had the honor of inclosing to your Excellency in a letter from New 
Providence in the Bahama Islands A letter addressed to El Conde de 
Florida Blanca upon some subjects that concern the Nation of Creek and 
Cherrokee Indians. I requested him to favour me vvith an answer thereto, 
through your Excellency, trusting that I should, on my arrival here meet 
with some answer. 

The object of my coming to this Country is not likely to keep me a 
great length of time here. And it is very material not only to the Affairs 
of our Nation but to the interest of his Catholic Majesty in those parts that 
I should receive some answer to that letter before I leave this Country. 

I now trouble your Excellency to know whether you have received 
from El Conde de Florida Blanca any thing which is intended to be 
communicated to me. And I shall be ready to receive it in writing 
whenever your Excellency pleases. 

I shall also be ready to confer with your Excellency if you should 
think it necessary. 

I have the honor to be yours 
Most obedient Servant 

Wm. a. Bowles 
His Catholick Majesty's Ambassador at London 

xvii. Geo. Beckwith to [Lord Dorchester?] 2 

Philadelphia 2nd December 1791 
My Lord 

I did not intend to write to your Lordship by the present Convey- 
ance had not the following circumstance which respects a man with whose 
character you are well acquainted taken place upon the Georgia frontier. 

The field officer commanding the few companies or regular troops 
dispersed along the Southern confines has within a few days past written 
to Government that the Commissioners employed in running the bound- 
ary with Georgia under the Creek treaty of 1790 have been interrupted 
in their progress and compelled to withdraw by the Lower Creeks at the 
instigation of a Mr. Bowles who styles himself a General and declares 
that he is agent or superintendent General to those tribes from Great 
Britain ; the officer also informs that Mr. Bowles has been recently in 
England, that he touched at the Bahamas on his return to America and 
that he has brought very valuable presents to these Indians to the amount 
"as he states " of fifty thousand pounds sterling, that he has declared to 
those tribes his being authorized to promise them the reestablishment of 
their old boundary with Georgia which is more advantageous to them 
than that fixed by the treaty of New York in 1790, and, that he has 

1 Enclosed in above. 

2 F. O. America K. 



735 * Documeiits 

solicited their having recourse to Arms to effect this, promising them an 
English reinforcement in the Spring, to which the Indians replied, that 
prior to their commencing hostilities they would wait the arrival of these 
succours. General Macgillivray who is usually in the Upper Creek 
Country has written to those tribes and warning them of their danger in 
listening to Bowles's insinuations and threatening if they do that he will 
abandon them to their fate. Such is the outline of the information on 
this subject which has been laid before the Senate and which of course I 
immediately communicated to the King's Minister. 

I have some reason to think that Mr. Edward Rutledge of South 
Carolina is the person intended to be sent to London as Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary but I mention this as a matter of uncertainty. I have also the 
same grounds to believe that it is the wish of this Government to draw 
the Chiefs of the hostile Indians to Philadelphia as soon as they can open 
an Intercourse with them and to make treaty with them here. I have 
mentioned my ideas on these subjects to Mr. Hammond.' 
I have the honor to be with great respect 
Your Lordships 
Most obedient and very faithful Servant 

Geo. Beckwith. 

' The English minister to the United States. 



[Reprinted from The American Historical Review, Vol. VIII., No. i, Oct., 1902.] 



/. EnglisJi Policy Tozvard America in lygo—ijgi. 

( Second Installment. ) 

XVIII. Stephen Cottrell to W. W. Grenville.^ 

Office of Committee 

of Privy Council for Trade 
Whitehall 17th of April 1790 
^/> 

I am directed by the Lords of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy 
Council, appointed for all matters relating to Trade and Foreign Planta- 
tions, to acquaint you that They have taken into consideration the Me- 
morial of Mr. Levi Allen in behalf of the Inhabitants of Vermont, 
setting forth that he has been appointed under the Great Seal of the State 
of Vermont pursuant to an Act of the General Assembly there, to nego- 
ciate a Commercial and Friendly Intercourse between the said State and 
His Majesty's Dominions and proposing certain Arrangements for that 
purpose ; which Memorial you transmitted to the Lords of the Committee 
in your Letter of the loth June last ; and you desire in the said Letter 
to receive, for His Majesty's information the opinion of Their Lordships 
concerning the Steps which it may be proper to take in consequence of 
Mr. Allen's Proposals. 

The said Mr. Levi Allen has also presented a Memorial dated the 
13th June last to this Committee expressing the Wishes of the Inhabi- 
tants of Vermont that a free Trade may be granted them with the 
Province of Quebec for all or any of the Produce of the said Country of 
Verm.ont without payment of Duty ; and that they may be permitted to 
receive in return any of the Produce of Canada and any Merchandize 
imported therein, Furs and Peltry of all Kinds excepted. 

Besides this Memorial the Committee have in their Office several 
Papers received from Lord Dorchester concerning the Policy of opening 
and facilitating a Passage into Canada, and from thence down the River 
St. Lawrence into the Atlantic for all Commodities, being the Growth or 
Produce of the Countries which border upon Canada and make either a 
part of the Territories of the United States of America, or belong to the 
State of Vermont, or to other People of various descriptions, who are 
now forming new Settlements in that part of the World. 

While the Commercial Intercourse between the Province of Quebec 
and the Territories belonging to the United States of America, was under 

1 Chatham MSS. Bdle 343. Compare Report Canadian Archives, 1890, p. 132. 

78 



79 Documents 

annual Regulations, established by His Majesty's Order in Council, Care 
was taken that no Restriction should be laid on the Trade carried on 
either by Land or Inland Navigation, between the said Provinces and the 
Territories of the United States, or other Countries bordering on the said 
Province ; and in an Act passed in the 28th year of His Majesty's Reign 
for making permanent Regulations for this purpose, the same Policy of 
laying no Restrictions of the nature before mentioned was pursued. And 
the Lords of the Committee having had this Subject under their consid- 
eration of the 13th July 1787 — gave it as their Opinion to Lord Syd- 
ney, then one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, that it 
should be left to Lord Dorchester, Governor of Quebec with the Advice 
of the legislative Council of that Province, to make such Orders respect- 
ing any Intercourse by Land or by Inland Navigation between the said 
Province and the Territories belonging to the United States of America, 
as should be thought by them to be most proper, not doubting that the 
Orders which His Lordship, with the Advice of the said Council, should 
give, would be consistent with the Laws of Great Britain and most con- 
ducive to the Interests of His Majesty's Subjects; but the Committee at 
the same time advised, that Lord Dorchester should be instructed on no 
account to permit, under pretence of such Intercourse, the Introduction 
into Canada of foreign Manufactures, or of Spirits made in any foreign 
Country or the Export from Canada into the neighbouring States of Furs 
and Peltry. 

The Lords of the Committee, having received further Information 
on this Subject, and repeatedly taken the same into consideration are 
confirmed in the Opinion they before entertained that it will be advisc- 
able, in a commercial, and, they may add, in a political view also to 
permit, and even encourage all Articles, being the Growth and Produce 
of the Countries bordering upon Canada, to be brought into the said 
Province in exchange for British Merchandize and Manufactures, and to 
be Exported from thence down the River St. Lawrence, in British Ships 
to those parts of Europe or America where the Produce of Canada of the 
same sort may be legally carried. But when this Subject was before the 
Committee on the 13th July 1787 The Lords entertained a doubt, 
whether Goods, so brought into Canada from the neighbouring Countries, 
could be lawfully imported from thence into the British Dominions ; 
They consulted therefore His Majesty's Attorney and Solicitor General 
on this Point, whose Report has not been received till lately, stating that 
there is no Law which makes any distinction in this respect between 
Goods, the Growth and Produce of those Parts of America which belong 
to Foreign States and those belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, 
provided they are brought from the Ports of a British Colony, Plantation 
or Territory in America, in British Ships navigated according to Law. 

It is the opinion of the Committee that such Intercourse would tend 
very much to promote the Sale of British Manufactures, and to increase 
the general Commerce and Navigation of this Country and the Commit- 
tee still think that no Restrictions should be imposed on this Intercourse, 



English Policy Toward America in lygo-iygi 80 

except those recommended in the before mentioned Letter addressed to 
Lord Sydney. And in order that the Government of Great Britain may 
have the full possession and command of this Trade, and be enabled to 
subject it to such Regulations as will render it most beneficial to His 
Majesty's Subjects, it is much to be wished that the vessels in which these 
Goods are transported over the great Lakes surrounding Canada, or 
along the Navigable Rivers, which issue from or run into these Lakes, 
should be British, and belong to British Subjects only, and that the posts 
which command the Entrance of these Lakes, and which are best situated 
for securing the Navigation of these Rivers should be retained by His 
Majesty (if other important Considerations will so permit) and be Gar- 
risoned by a Force sufficient to defend them ; For there can be no doubt 
that the various Settlements which are now forming in the interior parts 
of America, afford the prospect of a most Extensive and valuable Com- 
merce to those Nations who can secure to themselves the best means of 
availing themselves of it. 

The Committee have hitherto considered this Subject, not only as it 
relates to the State of Vermont but to all the Countries bordering upon 
Canada: — Lord Dorchester and His Majesty's Council in the province 
of Quebec have thought proper to consider it in this general view, and to 
Extend the Regulations made by them for this purpose to all the neigh- 
bouring States, tho' these Regulations evidently took their Rise from the 
Application made by Mr. Levi Allen, in the name of the Province of 
Vermont only: — And the Committee observe with pleasure, that these 
Regulations are conformable to the principles before stated, as will ap- 
pear by the following account of them 

In consequence of Powers vested in three Commissioners by the 
State of Vermont, Mr. Levi Allen waited on Lord Dorchester at Quebec 
in 1 786, informing him that he was commissioned by the State of Ver- 
mont to form a Treaty of Commerce, and produced his Credentials. 
Lord Dorchester told him that he was not authorized to form Treaties, 
but that he was well disposed to live in Friendship, with all the neigh- 
bouring States, and desired Mr. Allen to State in writing the wishes of 
the people of Vermont, and promised that they should be duly considered. 
Mr. Allen accordingly presented a Memorial to His Lordship on the 2 2d 
November 1786, specifying the objects which the people of Vermont had 
in view in desiring to open a Commercial Intercourse with Canada. On 
the 18th April T787 Lord Dorchester permitted by Proclamation (until 
an Ordinance could be made by the Legislative Council for more fully 
regulating the Inland Trade with the neighbouring States) the free Impor- 
tation from all the said States, thro' Lake Champlain, of Masts, Yards, 
Bowsprits, Spars, Oak or Pine, Planks, Boards, Knees, Futtocks, Ship 
Timber, Hoops, Staves, Shingles, Clapboards, or any sort of Lumber, 
Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, Tallow, or any kind of Naval Stores, Hemp, 
Flax, and their Seeds ; Wheat ; Rye, Indian Corn, Pease, Beans, Potatoes, 
Rice, Oats, Barley, and all other species of Grain, Horses, Neat Cattle, 
Sheep, Hogs, Poultry, and all other species of Live Stock and Live pro- 



8 1 Documents 

visions, and whatsoever else is of the Growth of the said States. And he 
also authorized and permitted the free Exportation from the province of 
Canada into the said States, of any Articles of the Growth, Produce or 
Manufacture of the said province, or of any other the Dominions of 
Great Britain, Furs and Peltries of any Kind excepted. 

And by an Ordinance of the Governor and Legislative Council, dated 
30th of the same month, it was enacted, that the Trade and Intercourse 
between the province of Quebec, and the neighbouring States, or any of 
them, by the Route of Lake Champlain and Sorell, should be free for the 
Importation of Leaf Tobacco, Pot and pearl Ashes, if the same be of the 
Growth and produce of any of the said States, and that they are bona 
fide intended for Re exportation from that province to Great Britain. 

In the month of April in the year following Lord Dorchester and the 
Legislative Council of Quebec passed two other Ordinances, comprehend- 
ing, in their Judgement, every thing that was at that time necessary for 
regulating the Inland Commercial Intercourse of that province with the 
Neighbouring States. 

In the first of these Ordinances it is enacted That all Goods, Wares, 
and Merchandizes (Beavers Peltries and Furs excepted) of the Growth and 
Manufacture or product of that province or of any other of the Domin- 
ions of Great Britain, and such as may lawfully be imported into that 
province by Sea may be exported therefrom by Land or Inland Navi- 
gation to any of the neighbouring States, free from Duty Impost or Re- 
straint : And it was also enacted that there be the like freedom of Impor- 
tation from the said States into that province (if the same be made by 
the Route or Communication of Lake Champlain and the River Sorel or 
Richelieu and not otherwise) of certain enumerated articles. It then 
enumerates the Articles which are the same as those in the before men- 
tioned proclamation and Ordinance, adding thereto Butter, Cheese, and 
Honey, Fresh Fish, Gold and Silver Coin and Bullion. The Ordinance 
then prohibits the Importation of Rum, Spirits, and Copper Coin and 
enacts several severe Regulations to prevent Contraband Trade contrary 
to the intention of this Ordinance. 

The Second of these Ordinances, intituled " for promoting Inland 
Navigation," begins by a preamble reciting "that the present circum- 
stances do not require that the Transport of Merchandize " and peltries 
over the Upper Lakes should be carried on solely by vessels " belottging 
to His Majesty, and that the thriving situation of the new Settlements of 
liOyalists in the Western Country makes it expedient under certain Re- 
strictions to facilitate the Transport of a variety of Articles across those 
Lakes which will tend to increase the Exports of this province, and con- 
sequently to augment its Commerce. 

It then enacts that it shall be lawful for all His Majesty's Subjects 
trading to the Western Country by the way of the Great Lakes who shall 
have taken out the usual pass conformable to Law, to cause such their 
Effects and Merchandize or [as ?] shall be specified in the said pass, to be 
water borne in any Kind of vessel under the Burthen of Ninety Tons, 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. VIII. — 5 



English Policy Toward America in I'jgo-i'jgi 82 

provided the same be built or launched in any Port or Place within His 
Majesty's Government ; and that all the owners of the Vessel and Cargo, 
and the Captain, Conductor, Crew and Navigators be His Majesty's Sub- 
jects, and that the said Crew and Navigators shall have taken (since the 
ist Mav 1783) the Oath of Allegiance of His Majesty, prescribed by 
Law, or on doubt thereof, shall take the same before they embark in such 
adventure. The Ordinance then proceeds to require that every Vessel 
(except such as are under the Burthen of five Tons, navigating the River 
St Lawrence and the Bay of Quinty, and except all Canoes, Bateaux, 
or open Boats, under the Burthen of ten Tons navigating the Lakes) 
shall take out a Register. It requires also Bonds and several other Docu- 
ments from all these vessels, forming on the whole a very accurate and 
strict system of Registry, and then enacts that all vessels concerned in 
this navigation, which shall not be furnished with a Register and the 
other Documents therein mentioned, and shall not produce the same to 
the Kings Officer in the Ports or Places where they arrive, shall be sub- 
ject to Forfeiture. A power is given to the Governor or Commander in 
Chief of the Province for the time being, upon any great or urgent oc- 
casion to prohibit for any given time, by an Order under his Hand and 
Seal, even these Vessels from Navigating the said Lakes, if he may think 
such order necessary and for the security of the Province. 

From the foregoing Account it appears to the Committee, that a 
Commercial Intercourse, is already opened between the Province of 
Quebec and the State of Vermont, as well as the other neighbouring States, 
upon as extensive a plan as the People of Vermont seem to have wished. 
It is true that this Commerce is not secured to them by Treaty. Lord 
Dorchester was of opinion as is before stated that he was not authorized 
to form a Treaty with them, and he might perhaps think that it would 
be offensive to the United States of America to form a Separate Treaty 
with a people who inhabit a Country, which the said States may consider 
as a part of their Territory ; a people who ought on that account to be 
dependent on them. It is impossible to suppose that Mr. Levi Allen can 
be ignorant that a Commercial Intercourse has been opened with the 
State of Vermont by the Government of Quebec in manner before men- 
tioned, and as he still presses that a Treaty should be concluded it is 
reasonable to infer that he has some other object in view, besides the 
establishing a free Commerce between the Countries, and that he has 
probably received secret Instructions for this purpose. 

To throw Light on this Point, the Committee think it right to state 
the Information they have lately received of the political situation of the 
State of Vermont. 

The Country now inhabited by the People of Vermont was for- 
merly claimed by the Legislatures of New Hampshire and New York 
who had frequent Disputes on this Subject. A number of Adventurers 
chiefly from the Territories of Massachusets Bay and Connecticut, tak- 
ing advantage of these Disputes went and fixed their Habitation in this 
Country, and have kept possession of it ever since. These Settlers had 



83 Documents 

at first no other appelation than that of Green Mountain Boys. But in 
December 1777 They assumed the Title of the State of Vermont and 
considering themselves as Independent, established a Form of Govern- 
ment ; and from that time they have continued in the exercise of all the 
Legislative and Executive powers belonging to an Independent State — 
In March 1787 a Bill passed the House of Assembly of the State of New 
York, declaring Vermont to be a separate Independent State ; but this 
Bill was rejected by the Senate of New York, because there was no pro- 
vision made in it for securing to some of the Inhabitants of the State of 
New York, certain Lands claimed by them and which has [had ?] formerly 
been granted to them, while that State made a part of the British Domin- 
ions. In a subsequent Session the Legislature of New York appointed 
Commissioners on the part of Vermont in order to settle the Points in dis- 
pute. The event of this Conference is not yet known ; but whatever it 
may be, it will probably decide the opinion of the Legislature of New 
York concerning the Indepen [den] ce of Vermont. But there is reason to 
believe that the Congress lately established, will soon take this business into 
Consideration. Vermont has already between 70 and 80,000 Inhabi- 
tants, which is a greater number than belong to several States which now 
make a part of the American Confederacy. The Eastern States will be 
desirous from political Motives that Vermont should become a Member 
of the federal Government. They will wish to retain Vermont as a 
Frontier for their Security and there is ground to suppose that they are 
on that account apprehensive of its becoming connected and forming an 
alliance with the British Government. There is another Circumstance 
which inclines the Eastern States to wish that the State of Vermont 
should be acknowledged as Independent and made a Member of the 
Union. 

The Settlement of Kentuck,' which consists of about as many Inhab- 
itants as that of Vermont, and which at present makes a part of the State 
of Virginia, has applied both to the Legislature of Virginia and to Con- 
gress to be acknowledged as an Independent State, and to have a voice 
in the Federal Government. The State of Virginia who find their 
present Connection with Kentuck to be both Expensive and incon- 
venient are inclined to the proposed Separation, and many of the Mem- 
bers of Congress have shown a Disposition to acknowledge the Inde- 
pendence of the people of Kentuck and to admit them into the Union, 
but the Eastern States are not disposed to consent unless the State of 
Vermont be at the same time admitted as they apprehend that the influ- 
ence of the Southern States in Congress will become too powerful by 
the accession of Kentuck unless it is counterbalanced by the addition of 
a new Member connected in Interest with the Eastern States. From 
Information received it is probable that this point was brought into Dis- 
cussion during the Second Session of Congress which commenced in Jan- 
uary last. 

' The spelling is doubtful, perhaps it should read Kentucte here and following. 



English Policy Toward Afnerica in ijgo-ijgi 84 

The foregoing facts sufficiently explain the Impatience shewn at 
present by the Agent of Vermont to be informed of the Intention of the 
British Government with respect to an Alliance with the State of 
Vermont. 

It belongs not to the Committee to decide how far any Article in the 
late Treaty of Peace, by which the Independence of the United States 
was acknowledged and the Extent of their Territories defined, may make 
it improper for the Government of this Country to form a separate 
Treaty with the State of Vermont, or whether it may be politically pru- 
dent all circumstances considered, to risk giving offence to the Congress 
of the United States by such a Measure ; but the Lords are of opinion 
that in a commercial view it will be for the Benefit of this Country to 
prevent Vermont and Kentuck and all the other Settlements now form- 
ing in the Interior parts of the great Continent of North America, from 
becoming dependent on the Government of the United States, or on 
that of any other Foreign Country, and to preserve them on the con- 
trary in a State of Independence, and to induce them to form Treaties of 
Commerce and Friendship with Great Britain. 

Besides the State of Vermont and the Settlement of Kentuck, six 
other Settlements are said to be already forming in the interior parts of 
the American Continent, some of them by encouragement from the 
United States ; others under the Protection of the Spanish Government ; 
and some appear to have no connection hitherto with any Foreign 
Power. There can be no doubt, that the Numbers of People in these 
Settlements will very rapidly increase partly by the ordinary course of 
Population, and partly by Emigrants from the United States, and by 
others who may resort to them from the Nations of Europe. As People 
of this description must for a Number of years be principally employed 
in raising Provisions, and such other Articles as are best adapted to the 
Nature of the Soil, which they possess, and to the Climate, under which 
they live, it is evident that during that period at least, they will be under 
the necessity of importing from Foreign Countries such Manufactures 
and other Commodities as contribute most to the comfort and enjoyment 
of Life and whatever Nation is best able to supply them with these Mer- 
chandizes at a reasonable rate, cannot fail to derive great commercial 
Advantages from their Intercourse with them. 

The Countries where all the before mentioned Settlers (except those 
of Vermont) have fixed their residence are separated from the Countries 
inhabited by the People of the United States, and from the Atlantic 
Ocean by a large Ridge of Mountains which must be passed, if they 
attempt to open by that Way any commercial Intercourse. The Expence 
of Land-Carriage over these Mountains will so enhance the Price of any 
Commodities, which they may wish to purchase, as to make it very 
expensive and difficult for them to obtain Supplies by that mode of Con- 
veyance ; and it will still be less practicable to convey the Produce of the 
Soil in which these Settlers must make their Returns, being all bulky 
Articles, over these Mountains to the Heads of the Rivers, that run from the 



8 5 Documents 

foot of them into the Atlantic. It is clear that even the People of Ver- 
mont, who are more conveniently situated for a Commercial Intercourse 
with the United States, find that such Intercourse by Land-Carriage is by 
no means so practicable, or likely to be so profitable to them, as a direct 
Trade with Canada, carried on by means of Lake Champlain, and from 
thence into the River St Lawrence. It is certain therefore that the 
various Settlements that are now forming in the interiour Parts of the 
American Continent, will wish to open a Communication with Foreign 
Nations, either by passing the great Lakes and from thence into the River 
St Lawrence, or by descending through the various Rivers, that run into 
the Mississipi, and by following the Course of that River into the 
Ocean. There appears to be no other practicable Channels by which 
these Settlers can carry on the sort of Commerce in which they will nec- 
essarily be engaged, and there are Circumstances which make it probable, 
that the Passage over the great Lakes and by the River St Lawrence will 
be found of the Two to be much the most convenient. It will be for- 
tunate for Great Britain if this Channel continues exclusively under her 
Command ; for the Commerce, so carried on, will be attended with this 
singular advantage that the Ships employed in it must belong wholly to 
the subjects of the British Empire. It appears from Information lately 
received that the People of Kentuck are desirous of forcing their way 
down the River Mississipi to the Ocean. They have already applied to 
the Congress of the United States for obtaining through their Influence 
with the Court of Spain, a free Navigation on that River. They found 
their claim to it upon the Right naturally resulting from the possession of 
the Countries bordering on the Rivers flowing into the Mississipi ; and 
they alledge that by the Treaty of Peace of 1763, between England 
France and Spain, the free Navigation of the River Mississipi was 
secured to England and was exercised till the Peace of 1783, and that, 
by the Treaty then made with America, England ceded to the United 
States the free Navigation of that River. 

The Spaniards are very jealous of any Communication which the 
Americans may wish to have, by means of the River Mississipi, either 
with the Indians, or any other Persons settled in the interiour Countries 
of America. To prevent such Communication they now employ British 
Agents, Subjects of His Majesty and attached to the British Interests to 
manage the Indians in the Southern Parts of this Continent and to sup- 
ply them with British Manufactures which are sent out annually from 
Great Britain by Vessels under the protection of Passes given by the 
Spanish Ambassador residing in London ; And these Manufactures are 
paid for by great Quantities of Deer Skins and some other Peltry, per- 
mitted to be exported from Spanish Ports in British Ships directly to 
Great Britain. There is every reason also to believe, that a very lucra- 
tive Commerce is now carried on from the Port of Providence in the 
Bahamas and from the Free Ports in the Island of Jamaica to the Spanish 
Ports in the two Floridas which is at least connived at by the Spanish 
Government in order to prevent the People of the United States from 



English Policy Toward America in I'/go-i'/gi 86 

obtaining any Influence over the Indians and having any share in this 
Trade/ 

It cannot be doubted that the Navigation of the River Mississipi 
will soon give rise to many contests between the Government of Spain 
and the American Congress, who will wish to support the Settlers in the 
interiour Parts of America in the claims they may urge on this account, 
with a view to secure to themselves the Friendship of these new Settle- 
ments, and thereby to open to the Vessels of the United States the En- 
trance of the River Mississipi. 

What may be the Issue of these Contests it is not possible at present 
with any degree of certainty to foretell, nor is it prudent yet to pronounce 
what ought to be the Conduct of Great Britain in this respect ; It is 
proper however for the Committee to observe, that there will be less 
danger in encouraging the Navigation of Spain in those Seas than that of 
the United States and that the Ships of these States are more to be appre- 
hended, as Commercial Rivals than those belonging to the Subjects of 
the Spanish Monarchy. 

The Committee have thought it right, that I should enter into this 
detail in delivering Their Opinion on the Question you referred to Them 
by His Majesty's Command concerning ii Commercial Intercourse with 
the State of Vermont. It appears to them that the same Policy, which 
ought to direct the Conduct of Government with respect to Vermont 
applies equally in a Commercial Light to all the other Settlements, that 
are forming in the interior parts of the American Continent and that no 
true Judgement can be formed of the measures which ought on this occa- 
sion to be pursued without taking comprehensive view of this Subject in all 
its Parts, especially at a time when there is reason to suppose that a Com- 
mercial Treaty may soon be negociated with the Congress of the United 
States of America, at a time also, when the Committee observe, with the 
highest satisfaction, that the Manufactures of this country are improving 
and progressively increasing in so great a degree, that it is necessary to 
seek for new Markets in every Part of the World, in order to afford suf- 
ficient Scope and further Encouragement to the Industry of His Majesty's 
Subjects. 

I have the Honor to be. With great respect 
Sir 

Your most obedient 

And most humble Servant 

Steph. Cottrell 

1 See the documents relating to Bowles. 



39 



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